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UNITED STATES v. NORTH

November 29, 1988

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
v.
OLIVER L. NORTH


Gerhard A. Gesell, United States District Judge.


The opinion of the court was delivered by: GESELL

GERHARD A. GESELL, UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE.

 Re: Defendant North's Motions to Dismiss Counts 5, 6, and 7, Charging North with Making False Statements to Congress.

 Each of North's motions urging dismissal of counts 5, 6, and 7 which charge him with making false statements to Congress in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001 is denied. In a series of overlapping, somewhat repetitive motions, *fn1" North has urged that these counts must be dismissed for numerous reasons, most of which relate more to policy than to law.

 A. Facts.

 The Independent Counsel has outlined the factual background of the charges from his viewpoint as follows. In the summer and fall of 1985, press reports sparked two committees of the House of Representatives to institute inquiries directed towards North's conduct regarding advice and fund-raising support to the Nicaraguan rebel leaders. North was then a Marine detailed to the National Security Council. Both of these committees had jurisdiction under the Rules of the House over the matters in question. *fn2" The letters, sent by The Honorable Michael Barnes, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the House Foreign Affairs Committee (HFAC), and the Honorable Lee Hamilton, Chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (HPSCI), referred explicitly to the Boland Amendment. Chairman Hamilton's letter queried into the "legal justification" for any military support for the contras. Chairman Barnes' letter referred to his subcommittee's jurisdiction over United States policy toward Nicaragua, and requested all documentation of North's contacts with Nicaraguan rebel leaders as of October, 1984. Both letters were on official stationery and each letter was signed by the Congressman in his official capacity as Chairman.

 The indictment alleges that North prepared the responses which, to take the letter to HFAC, state in part that

 
From that review I can state with deep personal conviction that at no time did I or any member of the National Security Council staff violate the letter or the spirit of the law. . . . It is equally important to stress what we did not do. We did not solicit funds or other support for military or paramilitary activities either from Americans or third parties. We did not offer tactical advice for the conduct of their military activities or their organization.

 The indictment alleges that this response and the similar one sent to Chairman Hamilton contain false statements. After receiving the response drafted by North and after meeting with Robert C. McFarlane, the President's National Security Advisor, Chairman Hamilton sought further information concerning allegations about the activities of North, in the form of specific questions developed by Committee members. The indictment alleges that, once again, North prepared responses to the Committee's specific questions for McFarlane to transmit to HPSCI, which falsely stated, among other things, that North did not use his influence to facilitate movement of supplies to the resistance, and that no member of the NSC staff was officially or unofficially raising funds for the Nicaraguan democratic opposition. He did not suggest that the President was not bound by the Boland Amendment, nor did he refuse to answer. Rather, the indictment alleges that he spoke falsely and misled the Committees.

 B. Constitutional Argument.

 North urges that the criminal statutes proscribing false statements within the jurisdiction of any department or agency cannot be applied to communications between an employee of the Executive Branch and Congress. North proceeds to fashion a constitutional argument, contending that the asserted primacy of the White House in foreign affairs precludes officials working for the Executive from being prosecuted for false statements made to Congress regarding foreign affairs. *fn3" This argument lacks substance and it misses the point it attempts to make.

 Each of the three counts allege false statements made to the House Intelligence Committee, HPSCI. Executive officials have a statutory obligation to provide intelligence information to this Committee on request. 50 U.S.C. § 413 (b). *fn4" More generally, congressional committees act well within their authority when they seek explanation from Executive Branch officials regarding matters that may affect substantive legislative decisions. It is essential that Congress legislate based on fact, not falsifications, in the realm of foreign affairs as well as in domestic legislation.

 If Congress is increasing its power in a manner that infringes upon the President's prerogatives, the President may assert executive privilege or direct a person in North's position not to answer. Deliberate falsifications are another matter, and North did not himself have executive privilege. Indeed, the inquiries were directed to McFarlane as the President's National Security Advisor regarding North's personal conduct. North did not simply refuse to answer; he affirmatively deceived Congress, and there is not the slightest suggestion in North's papers that the President instructed North to give false information. He cannot claim any sort of privilege for this. *fn5" The thought that any one of the hundreds or thousands of persons working for the President can affirmatively and intentionally mislead Congress when it seeks information to perform one of its assigned functions for any reason -- including self-interest or the belief that the President would approve -- is unacceptable on its face. Such a disdainful view of our democratic form of government has no constitutional ...


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